These are the adventures of eleven Hudson Bay Company men as they overwintered on Lac du Bonnet in 1807-1808 as told in the HBC journal in the Manitoba Archives, written in Thomas Miller’s own hand.
This is the full version of the story outlined in the article titled “The Traders,” which can be read by clicking here.
Note: I have used the terms as they appeared in the journal text wherever possible.
On August 5, 1807, Hudson Bay clerk, Thomas Miller, and ten men left Osnaburgh House (located on Lake St. Joseph, Ontario) with two boats and a winter’s worth of provisions to establish a post on “Lake du Bonnet.” These men were Hugh Linklater, John Sanderson, James Moare, James Tate, Thomas Johnston, Robert Work, William Scarth, Thomas Harvey, John Isbister and Edward Silk, all employees of the HBC’s Albany district for a number of years.
For twenty-two days, they travelled inland, through Lake Sale (Lac Seul, Ontario), along the English River, to the Winnipeg River. Mr. Hugh Heney and his men, who were bound for the post at Pembina (North Dakota, where the Red and Pembina Rivers meet) travelled with Miller’s company for twenty of those days, before heading south to the Summer Berry River (the Native name for the Pembina River).
Just three days into their journey, the men discovered the North West Company “Canadians” from Lake Sale attempted to slow their passage by felling trees over the creek, requiring the HBC men to spend “a very disagreeable day cutting logs out of the water.” Six days later, they paddled past an unnamed NWC House on Lake Sale and were followed for a time by “their Master and two men.”
Once on the Winnipeg River watershed, they travelled quickly. Miller traded with the Natives they met, providing them with alcohol, tobacco and other goods to entice them to bring trade to Lake du Bonnet that winter. Between Portage d’Isle and Slave Falls, most likely near the bays above Pointe du Bois, the men came upon two tents of Natives who were picking wild rice. After trading a dressed leather pouch and meat for ammunition and liquor, the Natives promised to come for debt once finished with the rice.
Five days later, on August 27, Miller and his men arrived at Lake du Bonnet, where they met “the warrior, Nuannikisik, and two other” Natives. The HBC men gave them liquor and tobacco before spending the night. Two days later, following one day of heavy rain, the Natives showed the HBC men where to build the post. No surviving historical records provide a location. Native knowledge of the local geography would have put the post at the top of the lake near Galet du Bonnet (McArthur Falls) at the confluence of the Winnipeg, Pinnawas and Oiseau (Bird) Rivers to maximize trade opportunities. Construction started on a “small house to put the goods” the next day, August 30.
At 3 pm on August 31, Alexander McKay of the NWC, and twenty-two men stopped at the fledgling post for an hour before continuing to their base, Pointe au Foutre, at the mouth of the Winnipeg River. The following morning, Miller discovered a canoe load of goods and four NWC men left to build their own post nearby. No historical records exist for this post either; however, it was likely on the opposite lake shore as Miller and his men could see the Canadians from their own post. On September 6, NWC clerk, John Cribisas “arrived from Point au Foutre with a large canoe loaded with goods and provisions” for the winter.
Bas de la Riviere (or Pointe au Foutre as it was briefly known by the HBC) was established by the NWC in 1792 as their supply post in the Winnipeg River basin. This location near Lake Winnipeg was strategic for the NWC (and later the HBC) as they stopped here to rest and repair boats after their journey on the Winnipeg River.
Meanwhile, the HBC men continued building their own post. Within two days, the log building was finished and the goods moved inside. Over the next month, the floor was laid, doors and chimneys constructed and materials for beds were gathered, assembled and set up. The last job was to chink the spaces between the logs to prevent winter drafts. While the men built the house, Miller made fishing nets. Their initial sets were largely unsuccessful.
As autumn wore on into October, their attention turned to survival. Nets were put out daily, providing a number of fish. Every day, a new group of Natives moved through, with Miller providing items on debt so they would return at a later date. For the price of some goods, Miller acquired one of the Native’s canoes to use for fishing. Meat and wild rice were often exchanged for various goods, liquor or ammunition. Miller made a note each time Native canoes diverted to the NWC post.
Days at the post were much the same: trade with Natives, go fishing, and attempt hunting. Their first conflict came on October 23, when the Canadians stole two nets and a sturgeon set. Miller called this “a bad beginning.” A third net was taken a few days later, actions that baffled Miller. As November came, fish numbers in nets became impressive with 700 jackfish one day, then 150 assorted fish another.
November 12, 1807 had the first snowfall. The boats were hauled up for winter and the men spent the next three days cutting wood. By the 14th, the lake had frozen over. The men set nets beneath the ice, with little success, before searching for “rabbit ground.”
By the end of November, two Natives “arrived from Bad Chief’s band” looking for men to go to their tent for part of “their debts.” Miller sent two men back with them, where they discovered two Canadians there as well, causing Miller to come to the conclusion that “the Canadians have circled me round with Houses this fall.”
December was much the same: cutting and hauling firewood, snaring rabbits, attempting to fish. Men came and went to the Natives’ tents, often staying for days at a time.
On Christmas Eve, Alexander McKay sent two men with a letter “to inform me that the [Natives] are determined to kill all British subjects trading in this country.” Miller “paid no attention” to these threats.
To celebrate the New Year, Miller gave the men some brandy. However, the revelry didn’t last long. Two weeks later, men returned from visiting the Natives with the news that the Natives “cannot pay their debts as the Canadians are troubling them [in] every direction that they go,” to either hand over their hunting or furs.
On the evening of January 19, 1808, two men arrived from Pointe au Foutre with a letter from McKay to his clerk, Cribisas, which was shared with Miller. McKay told his men to burn their house and property, and return to Pointe au Foutre “in all haste” as it would be the “only means to save [McKay] and people from being cut off by the [Natives].” McKay wanted Miller to do the same; however, Miller considered the letter “nothing but falsehood” and chose not to pay any attention to the deceit. Two days later, the Canadians left without burning their house. They returned the next day, January 22, without going all the way to Pointe au Foutre.
Alexander McKay arrived at Lake du Bonnet on January 27. The next day, he visited Miller in an attempt to persuade him to “come down to his house, where [Miller] should be as well received as [McKay] could afford.” Miller “thanked him kindly,” but told McKay he wouldn’t leave Lake du Bonnet.
McKay then said that the Natives “are determined to commit murder on us all together.” Three of McKay’s men were murdered in the Lake of the Woods, which Miller knew to be true, but he “did not apprehend any danger from the natives.” Miller continued by saying complying with McKay’s request would mean not fulfilling his duty to his employees and, therefore, “will stay where [he is] as long as [he] can,” which ended their conversation. McKay returned to Pointe au Foutre on January 31. The daily pattern of trade and survival resumed.
On February 19, 1808, Miller sent Edward Silk, William Scarth and John Isbister to the Summer Berry River for “news of the quarter” and to see if Mr. Heney could supply “provisions for going out in the spring.”
Winter wore on and by the beginning of March, the conflict between Miller and the NWC escalated. The evening of the 2nd, two Canadians arrived from Pointe au Foutre with another letter from McKay, this time containing “orders that we should not give any more liquor to the natives until such time as his men can get hold of the [Natives] that murdered their friends in the Lake of the Woods.” Miller did not consent to this order as he considered the Natives of the area innocent in this matter, and as such “do not deserve such treatment.”
The matter wasn’t addressed again until the morning of Tuesday, March 8, when his neighbour, John Cribisas, sent a man over for Miller. Miller, “not thinking any harm,” went over. Upon entering the Canadian’s house, Miller “was surprised to find [himself] confined by ten Canadians under arms and drunk.” Five of these men had arrived from Pointe au Fourtre during the night and proceeded to tell Miller in “very insolent talk” that “they have arrived here on purpose to commit what depredations they pleased on the Hudson Bay Company’s property, [Miller] and servants if [he] would not immediately comply with their request” to “put all the liquor I have under their care” or stop “giving liquor to the [Natives] until they should get the murderers of their friends.” These men wanted “a pledge for the same of 300 beaver.”
Miller asked if these orders were from McKay and, if so, wished to settle the matter with “that gentleman.” Their response was that it was none of Miller’s business who gave the orders. Also, that he “shall never go from their house if [he] did not comply to their request.”
Miller said he would not agree because “it’s not Lawful Trust or reasonable,” then tried to leave. The men stopped him, pushing him away from the door. Finding himself and his men in danger, Miller “consented to their request not to give liquor to the natives” on the condition that McKay and Cribisas would not give out liquor as well. The Canadians agreed, only if Miller “put a keg of spirits and a bale of goods as a pledge not to break the agreement.” Surprised and concerned, but fearing worse use, Miller “complied to their request.”
Miller’s closing remarks for this day’s journal entry sums up the encounter: Miller has worked inland for the HBC for 20 years, 16 of which “have been in opposition to the Canadians.” He states he’s had trouble in the past, but nothing compared to this year. “I am surrounded by opposition and threatened with mischief and the natives prevented from paying debts taken last fall.” Miller said that he hasn’t experienced the NWC’s “mischievous nature” against the HBC and employees as much as this year. A statement reinforced four days later when a Native arrived with nothing after “the Canadians robbed him” of his debt for Miller.
On Sunday, March 13, the Canadians were drunk and threatening “more mischief.” Miller and his men spent the day armed, ready to defend themselves should those “Lawless Vagabonds” attack. They never did.
The days that followed were quiet. On the 16th, the three men returned from the Summer Berry River with pemmican provisions. Then on the 17th, a Native arrived. Miller informed him that he was prevented from giving out liquor due to the events that transpired with the NWC. “The [Native] threatened [revenge] on the Canadians before the summer [was] at an end.” The next day, three men went with this Native back to his camp, bringing guns, tobacco, beads, knives and vermillion (red pigment). Two NWC men went as well.
The next Native to arrive, a man named Broken Neck, told Miller that he “may be thankful it is not worse. After Miller asked what he meant, the man continued that the Canadians will “kill all the Hudson Bay people this spring,” as he’s heard from the Canadians at Pointe au Foutre.
In the evening of March 19th, John Kepling and John Corrigll arrived “from the Summer Berry River with a letter from Mr. Heney.” The next day was spent preparing men and the requested provisions, as “spring seems to advance very fast.” Kepling and Corrigll left on March 21st. Miller sent James Moare, John Isbister, Edward Silk and Robert Work to assist Mr. Heney with his boats.
Daily routines continued into April. Gathering food was becoming difficult. Miller sent men to the Natives, and they returned two days later with “as much meat as they could carry.” Meanwhile, the Canadians had to get meat from Pointe au Foutre as they “got nothing from these [Natives] but bad language and not even a bit of meat to eat.” The conflict over nets also returned on April 8. Hugh Linklater and James Tate discovered the Canadians had stolen one net and were in the process of taking up another when the men arrived. The Canadians left the net and went away, returning “with their guns and hatchets, pouring out the most insulting language they could pronounce” while refusing to give back the nets. Miller stated “this is the sixth net stolen by these vagabonds.” The Canadians also continued to rob Natives of their furs meant to pay their debts with the HBC, when the Natives had already told him they could not find beavers.
On April 29th, with the lake starting to open, Miller and the men packed nine bundles of furs. It rained all the next day, leaving the lake clear of ice. Miller’s sentiments were “this has been a very hard year at this place. Thank God the lake is open, which I am glad to see after a lonesome winter.”
May was spent packing up and preparing to leave. On the 4th, John Cribisas, their neighbour, returned the “keg of spirits and bale of 2/2 point blankets” which had been given as part of their liquor agreement. Low fish numbers in nets caused Miller to remark that it was a “poor place indeed.”
On the evening of May 26, Hugh Heney arrived with two boats. Two days later, Miller and his men left Lake du Bonnet, “in company with Mr. Heney and proceeded on our journey down.” Further entries in the journal are sparse. They arrived at Osnaburgh House in the afternoon of June 20th, having completed, and survived, their winter posting.
The post at Lac du Bonnet did not operate again until 1856, thirty-five years after the two companies merged.
References:
Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Archives of Manitoba, Lac du Bonnet post journal, 1807-1808, B.103/a/1.